The primary objective of the article is to evaluate the significance of status and allied reputation within Denmark’s strategic culture. Amongst Danish international relations scholars, there is a well-established notion that one of the key motivations for the use of military force in Danish foreign policy was the aspiration to cultivate special relations with the United States and achieve the status of a privileged ally. This status would confirm guarantees for Denmark’s national security, provide the country with an opportunity for distinctive influence in decision-making and agenda-setting in NATO, the EU, and transatlantic cooperation. A qualitative content analysis of the 2017—2018, 2019—2020 and 2022 Danish foreign policy strategies was carried out to determine the effect of such expert perceptions on the texts of the guiding foreign policy documents. The analysis highlighted and confirmed the ‘super Atlanticism’ tendencies in Denmark’s contemporary strategic culture, revealing its close ties with the Danish perception of the US as the safeguard for the liberal world order and associated multilateral institutions. Denmark’s value-driven militarised foreign political activism in the post-Cold War era is thus not only pragmatic but also ideological as it seeks to promote liberal values, democracy and human rights under American leadership. The article concludes that factoring in status and reputation in strategic culture studies may complement the explanations of security community formation, alliance strategies and the dynamics behind relations within different types of alliances.

This study aims to analyse the strategies supporting the German Government’s biopolitical health and life protection practices and how they were promoted in the discourse of non-state media outlets during the COVID-19 pandemic. It is assumed that non-state media used various pandemic communication strategies to achieve common biopolitical goals, striking a balance between propaganda and outreach. A comparative analysis was conducted of German publications that focused on the pandemic and appeared during the four waves (January 2020 —March 2022). A total of 54,515 texts from the German media (Süddeutsche Zeitung, Die Zeit, Die Tageszeitung) were examined. Methodologically, the study draws on the Herman-Chomsky propaganda model and Jacques Ellul’s concept. The results show that non-state media employ different communication strategies in line with the filters of the Herman-Chomsky model. All the media outlets maintained a balance between propaganda and public outreach, supporting the Government’s biopolitical programme whilst prioritising their own interests. It can be concluded that the strategies chosen by the non-state media outlets instilled a sense of confidence, prompting the public to comply with the restrictions and measures consistent with the biopolitical agenda of the state.

The article explores the growing role of artificial intelligence (AI) in entrepreneurship education within universities. This exploration is set against the backdrop of the rapid and widespread integration of AI technologies across economic and other domains of life. The authors aim to define the concept of ‘entrepreneurial potential’ and elucidate the contribution of AI in augmenting the entrepreneurial potential among university students in the Baltic States. To achieve this goal, the authors employ a range of methods, including comparative analysis, analogy, generalization, classification, and structural-functional analysis, among others. These methodologies are integrated within an interdisciplinary framework, enabling a comprehensive investigation of the subject matter. The comparative analysis of university entrepreneurship education in the Baltic States demonstrates the strengths and weaknesses inherent in the notion of entrepreneurial potential. This study also considers the impact of academic mobility in the modern world, characterized by rapid and dynamic shifts in technology, markets, and business models. The study concludes that proficiency in working with AI-powered equipment and algorithms is of paramount importance in amplifying the entrepreneurial potential of students in Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia. This aspect is increasingly gaining attention from universities, which collaborate closely with the business sector, governmental bodies, and regional agencies to provide diverse forms of support to aspiring business students. The final part of the article addresses issues that require more active and innovative participation of academia in activities enhancing the role of student youth in the economic development of their countries and regions.

This paper examines how soft power, nation branding and academic cooperation came together in the scholarship policy pursued by the Swedish Institute (SI) from 1995 to 2023. An investigation of the organisation’s materials, scholarship statistics and feedback interviews with SI programme alumni suggests that the implementation of the scholarship policy was erratic during the study period. A comprehensive analysis of the Institute’s efforts was carried out to describe the relationship between nation branding, soft power and education. The focus was on the principles and practices behind promoting Sweden’s image in an international educational setting, the evolution of the Institute’s scholarship policy and the effect of soft power and nation branding on a grantee’s academic track. Interactions between the SI and grantees during and after their stay in the country and scholarship distribution were examined to understand the dynamics behind the scholarship policy. The study draws on the concepts of nation branding and soft power to explore the corresponding elements in certain regional and national cases during the study period. It is concluded that the Institute is an effective tool of Sweden’s soft power, with its scholarship policy promoting the Government’s official position on global social, economic and political development. SI grantees complete their chosen programmes and get acquainted with the country’s social and political institutions. As of today, the educational component seems to be subordinate to nation branding and soft power.

For several decades, EU-Russian regional cooperation helped effectively respond to the local challenges. The EU terminated programmes for regional cooperation with Russia and Belarus in 2022. The existing paradiplomatic structure, however, may be of interest to scholars and policymakers as a model to be reproduced by Russia in cooperation with non-EU neighbours. The study aims to identify the main trends in paradiplomacy by examining Russian-Finnish regional collaboration. It reviews theoretical approaches to paradiplomacy, conducts a case study analysis of three forms of Russian-Finnish regional interaction and defines the main trends in paradiplomacy. The author concludes that paradiplomacy intensifies globalisation and regionalisation processes. In the past years, the main paradiplomacy trends in cooperation between Russia and the Baltic Sea region states, particularly Finland, were as follows: (1) project activity gathering momentum; (2) diversification of paradiplomatic actors; (3) equal and symmetrical partnership between Russia and the European states.

This article aims to analyse the development of Russia’s North-Western Federal District (NWFD) regions between 1998 and 2021, based on data from Rosstat. It focuses on how the territories responded to migration to the St. Petersburg agglomeration in the early 21st century and compares their progress with the cores of the St. Petersburg, Moscow, and Helsinki agglomerations. For building the models, regions with similar development dynamics were divided into four sectors: St. Petersburg, the Leningrad region, three less advanced northern areas, and the more successful NWFD territories. Before the 2008—2009 crisis, St. Petersburg and the Leningrad region outperformed the other north-western areas. However, the crisis led to a sharp decline in economic growth rates across the federal district, with manufacturing, agriculture, and forestry replacing the service sector as the main drivers. St. Petersburg’s development slowed down, and it became less efficient compared to the Leningrad region and the other five territories, which excelled in manufacturing, agriculture, and forestry. Despite migration to the St. Petersburg agglomeration and an associated increase in employment, the city did not gain a significant advantage over the other NWFD regions due to insufficient investment and hindrance in the development of new economic sectors. Migration to the St. Petersburg agglomeration primarily involved younger people but did not significantly impact traditional industries, such as manufacturing, agriculture, and forestry, which remained at the core of NWFD regions’ economic success. St. Petersburg’s higher economic efficiency compared to Moscow and Helsinki was a result of greater investments in manufacturing.

The article analyses the challenges associated with the development of rural areas in the Kaliningrad region. The author analyses trends in the development of agriculture, population dynamics, and settlement patterns, while also exploring their interconnectedness and external impacts. The research draws upon comparative-geographical, economic-statistical, and cartographic analyses utilizing official statistical data. The study reveals that since the early 2000s, agricultural production in the Kaliningrad region has been outpacing the national average growth rate. This is primarily attributed to the advancement of larger organisations, while the growth rates of household and small-scale farms remain comparatively low. This development trend is underpinned by a surge in labour productivity accompanied by a substantial reduction in the workforce. Consequently, rural residents are increasingly seeking alternative employment opportunities, either moving to urban areas or engaging in a different type of economic activities. Contrary to the situation in most regions of the Russian Federation, the rural population of the Kaliningrad region is growing. This growth is facilitated by an influx of individuals from other parts of Russia and other countries. Following the polarisation theory, population growth is driven by municipalities in the western part of the oblast, while eastern rural territories are losing population due to both natural decline (common to the oblast as a whole) and migration. Eastern municipalities have the demographic potential to increase the working-age population, while the western part of the oblast does not. The region has been implementing a policy of support for rural territories, especially for the peripheral eastern municipalities. However, there is a need for the policy to be further reinforced, alongside the development of a comprehensive spatial development strategy for the region. The article outlines proposals in this regard.

Digital transformation of socio-economic processes is the basis for sustainable development of regions in the digital age. The foundation for such a transformation is the information and communication infrastructure and, first of all, the mobile Internet. The technological growth of mobile networks has provided a rapid increase in the number of users around the world, contributing to further digitalization. With the development of digital technologies, research in the field of human geography has received a new impetus. The impact of the Internet on all spheres of life has necessitated a rethinking of the existing geographical approaches to the study of physical space and the emergence of a new object of research — digital space. On the one hand, the latter is closely connected with traditional institutions and systems. On the other hand, it is characterized by its own patterns of construction and functioning. The problem of delimiting the boundaries of cyberspace makes it difficult to manage digital processes taking into account territorially determined needs and interests, while the current socio-economic unevenness of regional development results in the digital divide. Border regions, maneuvering within the dichotomy of ‘frontier — integration bridge’ models, can gain additional benefits from the development of digital infrastructure in the context of realizing their integration potential. This article assesses the geography of the mobile internet in Russia and its connection with the development of border regions. The authors use geo-information, statistical, and econometric analyses to assess the impact of mobile technologies on interregional information transfer, commodity-money flows, and migration. The study demonstrates the diversity in the availability of mobile internet access among residents in various categories of border and interior regions. Furthermore, the research establishes a link between the quantity of transmitted digital data, the import-export of goods and services, international migration, and two key metrics: the accessibility of 4G mobile internet and the number of mobile subscribers. The article pinpoints specific border regions within the Russian Federation, including Krasnodar Krai, Leningrad, Kaliningrad, Novosibirsk, Smolensk, Rostov, Chelyabinsk, Voronezh, Samara, and Kursk regions. These regions exhibit pronounced potential for executing integration functions through the advancement of digital technologies, particularly under favourable geopolitical conditions.