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<doi_batch xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xmlns="http://www.crossref.org/schema/5.3.1" xmlns:jats="http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/JATS1" xmlns:fr="http://www.crossref.org/fundref.xsd" xmlns:ai="http://www.crossref.org/AccessIndicators.xsd" version="5.3.1"><head><doi_batch_id>NONE</doi_batch_id><timestamp>20260606214227228</timestamp><depositor><depositor_name>Immanuel Kant Baltic Federal University</depositor_name><email_address>no-reply@balticregion.kantiana.ru</email_address></depositor><registrant>Immanuel Kant Baltic Federal University</registrant></head><body><journal><journal_metadata><full_title>Baltic Region</full_title><issn media_type="print">2079-8555</issn><issn media_type="electronic">2310-0524</issn></journal_metadata><journal_issue><publication_date media_type="print"><month>06</month><day>06</day><year>2026</year></publication_date><journal_volume><volume>16</volume></journal_volume><issue>1</issue></journal_issue><journal_article publication_type="full_text"><titles><title>Confiscation Estonian style: legal and political aspects of potential seizure of Russian assets in EU countries</title><original_language_title>Конфискация по-эстонски. Правовые и политические аспекты возможного изъятия российских активов в странах ЕС</original_language_title></titles><contributors><person_name sequence="first" contributor_role="author"><given_name>V. V.</given_name><surname>Voynikov</surname><ORCID>https://orcid.org//0000-0003-1495-3227</ORCID></person_name></contributors><jats:abstract><jats:p>The possible confiscation of Russian assets by Western countries is one of the serious challenges to modern international law and the system of international relations. Since the greater part of the frozen assets is under the jurisdiction of EU countries, special attention should be paid to studying mechanisms for the use of Russian assets within the EU. The purpose of this article is to identify the key characteristics of the EU’s approaches to the use of frozen Russian assets, determine their compliance with international law and investigate possible consequences for the modern system of international relations. To achieve this goal, the author analysed the legal aspect of this problem, examined the compliance of the initiatives to confiscate Russian property with the norms of modern international law and pinpointed the potential consequences of such actions. It is concluded that possible options for seizing sovereign assets contradict the norms of international and national law. Therefore, all these methods are unfeasible within the current legal framework. Yet, the main obstacle to implementing the plans to seize Russian sovereign assets lies not within the legal realm, but in the political sphere since such actions could result in unforeseeable ramifications. The mechanism proposed by the European Commission for seizing private property within the framework of criminal proceedings implies the use of criminal law to solve political problems, which is at variance with the objectives of criminal policy.</jats:p></jats:abstract><publication_date media_type="print"><month>06</month><day>06</day><year>2026</year></publication_date><pages><first_page>4</first_page><last_page>22</last_page></pages><doi_data><doi>10.5922/2079-8555-2024-1-1</doi><resource>https://balticregion.kantiana.ru/baltic_region/5526/47114/</resource></doi_data><citation_list><citation key="1"><unstructured_citation>Timofeev, I. 2023, Sanctions and the Confiscation of Russian Property. 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Within this setting, cooperation may be considered a priority form of entrepreneurial activity, enabling the consolidation of financial resources and reducing business costs. This article aims to assess the potential of consumer cooperation in the Kaliningrad region under anti-Russian sanctions. The authors analyse the features of cooperation development within the territory and investigate the demands and expectations of the local populace. The principal method employed in the study is a survey of residents of the Kaliningrad region (N = 481), with its results strongly indicating that conditions for a renaissance of cooperative economic models have emerged in the Russian exclave. The region’s residents tend to express positive attitudes towards cooperation, drawing a link between economically challenging conditions and opportunities for cooperative development. Moreover, amongst respondents with personal or vicarious experience of cooperation, a substantially higher proportion assess cooperative practices positively. Yet, the deficit of interpersonal trust places a serious limitation on the development of cooperation. It is concluded that the economic crisis has shifted the focus of the region’s population’s expectations from social interests (collaborations with like-minded individuals) to undertakings aimed at increasing material well-being. 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Yu.</given_name><surname>Talalaeva</surname><ORCID>https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6007-5202</ORCID></person_name><person_name sequence="additional" contributor_role="author"><given_name>T. S.</given_name><surname>Pronina</surname><ORCID>https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8902-9154</ORCID></person_name></contributors><jats:abstract><jats:p>The article explores the immigration and integration strategies of Denmark and Sweden while assessing their efficacy. The two countries, sharing historical, cultural, social and economic similarities, face a common challenge: the formation of ethnoreligious enclaves primarily inhabited by individuals with a Muslim background. Due to the recent European migrant crises, there has been a notable increase in the number of migrants, leading to stricter integration policies in the Scandinavian countries. Yet, governmental approaches to address the segregation of immigrant areas vary between Denmark and Sweden. Denmark has adopted a stringent immigration policy promoting cultural assimilation of immigrants from non-Western countries, whilst Sweden follows a liberal approach advocating cultural and ethnic diversity within society. The evolution of immigration and integration initiatives in Denmark and Sweden has been reconstructed through the analysis of official documents and critical examination of political discourses. It is noted that Swedish authorities are increasingly incorporating Denmark’s more radical approaches to address migration issues within their political programmes. Despite the results of Denmark’s anti-immigration policies and the reduction in the number of segregated immigrant areas, a myriad of issues persist due to EU immigration policies. The problem of forging a new civic identity rooted in the linguistic, religious and cultural homogeneity of Danish society amidst its multiculturalism remains relevant. 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A.</given_name><surname>Balabeikina</surname><ORCID>https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9520-8880</ORCID></person_name><person_name sequence="additional" contributor_role="author"><given_name>V. Yu.</given_name><surname>Korobushchenko</surname><ORCID>https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3843-8465</ORCID></person_name><person_name sequence="additional" contributor_role="author"><given_name>V. M.</given_name><surname>Razumovsky</surname><ORCID>https://orcid.org/0009-0006-9122-6313</ORCID></person_name></contributors><jats:abstract><jats:p>The study exemplifies the use of an institutional-territorial approach for a comprehensive description of a national denominational landscape. The article aims to provide such an account by analysing relevant official data and performing statistical processing using computational tools. The focus is on the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Denmark and its administrative-territorial structures. 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