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<doi_batch xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xmlns="http://www.crossref.org/schema/5.3.1" xmlns:jats="http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/JATS1" xmlns:fr="http://www.crossref.org/fundref.xsd" xmlns:ai="http://www.crossref.org/AccessIndicators.xsd" version="5.3.1"><head><doi_batch_id>NONE</doi_batch_id><timestamp>20260531072543655</timestamp><depositor><depositor_name>Immanuel Kant Baltic Federal University</depositor_name><email_address>no-reply@balticregion.kantiana.ru</email_address></depositor><registrant>Immanuel Kant Baltic Federal University</registrant></head><body><journal><journal_metadata><full_title>Baltic Region</full_title><issn media_type="print">2079-8555</issn><issn media_type="electronic">2310-0524</issn></journal_metadata><journal_issue><publication_date media_type="print"><month>05</month><day>31</day><year>2026</year></publication_date><journal_volume><volume>14</volume></journal_volume><issue>4</issue></journal_issue><journal_article publication_type="full_text"><titles><title>The sea factor in the federal regulation of Russia’s spatial development: post-Soviet experience and current priorities</title><original_language_title>Учет «фактора моря» в федеральном регулировании пространственного развития России: постсоветский опыт и современные приоритеты</original_language_title></titles><contributors><person_name sequence="first" contributor_role="author"><given_name>A.G.</given_name><surname>Druzhinin</surname><ORCID>https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1642-6335</ORCID></person_name><person_name sequence="additional" contributor_role="author"><given_name>O.V.</given_name><surname>Kuznetsova</surname><ORCID>https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4341-0934</ORCID></person_name></contributors><jats:abstract><jats:p>Current geoeconomic and geopolitical transformations project on Russian society and its spatial organisation, highlighting the problems of spatial socioeconomic development and its governmental regulation. 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The need for online services has increased since the beginning of the COVID pandemic. There are significant disparities between Russian regions in the digital technology accessibility and the development of computer skills. In 2020, the Internet diffused rapidly in most regions, although previously, there had been a slowdown. As markets got saturated with digital services, the digital divide between Russian regions narrowed. Overall, the Internet use patterns are consistent with those of the spatial diffusion of innovations. Amongst the leaders, there are regions home to the largest agglomerations and northern territories of Russia, whereas those having a high proportion of rural population lag behind. Coastal and border regions (St. Petersburg, the Kaliningrad region, Karelia, Primorsky Krai, etc.) have better access to the Internet due to their proximity to the centres of technological innovations as well as the high intensity of external relations. 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V. 2019, The Northern Ladoga region as a prospective tourist destination in the Russian-Finnish borderland: Historical, cultural, ecological and economic aspects, Geographia Polonica, vol. 92, № 4, р. 409—428, https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.7163/GPol.0156.</unstructured_citation></citation></citation_list></journal_article><journal_article publication_type="full_text"><titles><title>Refugees from Syria and Iraq in Sweden: resettlement during the migration crisis</title><original_language_title>Беженцы из Сирии и Ирака в Швеции: особенности расселения в период миграционного кризиса</original_language_title></titles><jats:abstract><jats:p>The vast increase in the number of forced migrants during the European migration crisis has compelled the receiving countries to concentrate on the issues of migrant reception and accommodation. This study aims to demonstrate how the patterns of settlement of Syrian and Iraqi migrants changed in 2014—2019. We propose a new methodology, building on the Her­findahl-Hirschman index, an indicator of the level and direction of the spatial concentration—deconcentration of migrants, and the Ryabtsev index, which is used to measure the proximity between the settlement structures of migrants and the Swedes. It is established there was a deconcentration of migrants during the crisis (espe­cially in its ascendant phase), carried out by the Swedish authorities. However a reverse process took place in the descendant phase, as a result of self-arranged migrants’ resettlement. The deconcentration of Iraqis and Syrians led to the convergence between the settlement structure typical of immigrants and the Swedes, whilst concentration resulted in divergence accompanied by the emergence of close-knit immi­grant communities on the outskirts of Sweden’s largest cities. The formation of such communi­ties, seen as vulnerable by the national authorities and marked by a high crime rate, impedes the integration of Syrian and Iraqi immigrants into Swedish society.</jats:p></jats:abstract><publication_date media_type="print"><month>05</month><day>31</day><year>2026</year></publication_date><pages><first_page>98</first_page><last_page>112</last_page></pages><doi_data><doi>10.5922/2079-8555-2022-4-6</doi><resource>https://balticregion.kantiana.ru/baltic_region/5247/39042/</resource></doi_data></journal_article><journal_article publication_type="full_text"><titles><title>Ethnic minority organisations in Russia and Poland: a comparison challenge</title><original_language_title>Организации этнических меньшинств в России и Польше: методологические вызовы сравнения</original_language_title></titles><jats:abstract><jats:p>This article proposes a framework for classifying ethnic minority organisations based on a broad combination of discursive and non-discursive criteria rooted in their political opportunities profile. One diasporic and one non-diasporic organisation were chosen for Russia and Poland, respectively. Diasporicity is understood according to William Safran’s criteria and Rogers Brubaker’s triadic configuration. The Russian study cases are Komi Voityr and the Russian Polish Congress; the Polish, the Silesian Autonomy Movement and the Belarussian House. The analysis of their status, activities, domestic and external political impact, localisation and role in the ‘triadic configuration’ has shown that the four cases are ethnic minority associations, and their legal status and scope of activities differ significantly. Their domestic political opportunities are rather scarce. Out of the four cases, just one organisation is an active part in Brubaker’s classical triadic configuration; its role is not traditional, ascribed to the respective ‘angle’. Although both Russian associations enjoy an official status, their activities are limited to the cultural, memorial and linguistic domains, primarily at the national level. In Poland, both associations act internationally as advocacy groups, and their activities are not confined to culture and language. Far from being universally applicable, the proposed classification framework can still add to the comparative ethnic politics toolkit.</jats:p></jats:abstract><publication_date media_type="print"><month>05</month><day>31</day><year>2026</year></publication_date><pages><first_page>113</first_page><last_page>128</last_page></pages><doi_data><doi>10.5922/2079-8555-2022-4-7</doi><resource>https://balticregion.kantiana.ru/baltic_region/5247/39043/</resource></doi_data></journal_article><journal_article publication_type="full_text"><titles><title>Preserve vs dismantle: major trends in the Baltics’ politics of memory regarding Soviet monuments at sites of mass violence</title><original_language_title>Снести нельзя оставить: ключевые тенденции политики памяти стран Балтии в отношении советских памятников на местах массового насилия</original_language_title></titles><jats:abstract><jats:p>Another round of the Soviet ‘monument fall’ in the Baltics, which began in the early 2000s, continued into 2022. This process, however, has not affected Soviet memorials at the sites of mass violence perpetrated during the German occupation of the Baltics. This article aims to investigate major trends in the Baltics’ politics of memory regarding Soviet monuments erected at sites of mass violence. The official policy of the Baltics towards these memorial sites has been largely shaped by the international agenda and the perception of the commemorated events. During the Euroatlantic drift, the concept of the Baltic States’ past incorporated the Holocaust narrative, recoding the symbolic space of Soviet sites remembering Nazi crimes against Jews and integrating them into the national culture of remembrance. Soviet memorials at sites commemorating the tragedy of local peoples were incorporated as is into the national memorial landscape. Yet, Lithuanian authorities viewed these memorials with greater suspicion because of the Soviet countermemory, which the sites preserved. Memorials to Soviet POWs, albeit perceived as ‘alien’, are protected by law in the Baltics. Nevertheless, it did not save the places of remembrance from acts of vandalism. Moreover, there are trends in the Baltics towards a revision of the laws protecting the monuments.</jats:p></jats:abstract><publication_date media_type="print"><month>05</month><day>31</day><year>2026</year></publication_date><pages><first_page>128</first_page><last_page>145</last_page></pages><doi_data><doi>10.5922/2079-8555-2022-4-8</doi><resource>https://balticregion.kantiana.ru/baltic_region/5248/39044/</resource></doi_data></journal_article><journal_article publication_type="full_text"><titles><title>Dismantling monuments as the core of the post-2014 ‘decommunisation’ in Ukraine and Poland</title><original_language_title>Демонтаж памятников как ключевая часть процесса «декоммунизации» на Украине и в Польше после 2014 г.</original_language_title></titles><jats:abstract><jats:p>Drawing on a wide range of sources (Polish and Ukrainian legal acts, Russian and international media), this study looks at the ‘monument fall’ in Ukraine and Poland as part of the post-2014 memory wars. The purpose of this article is to identify the main patterns associated with the demolition of Soviet and Russian monuments in the two countries. The ‘decommunisation’ of public space is an element of Ukraine’s and Poland’s politics of memory, enshrined in legal acts. Its driving force is the Institutes of National Remembrance, whose priorities include dismantling Soviet and pre-revolutionary Russian monuments, which came into full swing after the beginning of Russia’s special military operation to denazify and demilitarise Ukraine. The official narratives allot Poland and Ukraine the role of victims of ‘two aggressors’ in World War II, which found themselves under ‘communist occupation’. Therefore, the politics of memory of the two countries seek to get rid of the ‘Soviet legacy’ as the legacy of the ‘occupying country’. Whilst Poland pursues ‘residual decommunisation’ focused on dismantling the remaining memorials to Soviet soldiers-liberators, Ukraine is committed to transforming ‘decommunisation’ into full-scale ‘derussification’. At the same time, the process of ‘re-Sovietisation/Sovietisation’ has been launched in the liberated territories of Ukraine. It consists in restoring previously destroyed monuments or installing new ones.</jats:p></jats:abstract><publication_date media_type="print"><month>05</month><day>31</day><year>2026</year></publication_date><pages><first_page>146</first_page><last_page>161</last_page></pages><doi_data><doi>10.5922/2079-8555-2022-4-9</doi><resource>https://balticregion.kantiana.ru/baltic_region/5248/39045/</resource></doi_data></journal_article><journal_article publication_type="full_text"><titles><title>Inter-regional disparities in agriculture and rural population change in Russia</title><original_language_title>Межрегиональные различия динамики численности сельского населения и хозяйства в Российской Федерации</original_language_title></titles><jats:abstract><jats:p>The article presents data reflecting the territorial peculiarities of rural population dynamics and shows their dependence on external factors (primarily, the development of agriculture). The database includes 14 indicators of the regional spatial differentiation of rural population development in Russia between 2010 —2020. A typology of regions based on eight economic and ecological parameters is provided. The dataset covers the statistical indicators of 85 Russian regions from 2010 to 2020, published by the Federal State Statistics Service and the Unified Interdepartmental Information and Statistics System. The results are presented in seven tables and six maps. The dataset can be used by federal and regional authorities elaborating science-­based rural development programmes and strategies, as well as experts on rural development.</jats:p></jats:abstract><publication_date media_type="print"><month>05</month><day>31</day><year>2026</year></publication_date><pages><first_page>162</first_page><last_page>181</last_page></pages><doi_data><doi>10.5922/2079-8555-2022-4-10</doi><resource>https://balticregion.kantiana.ru/baltic_region/5249/39046/</resource></doi_data></journal_article></journal></body></doi_batch>
