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<doi_batch xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xmlns="http://www.crossref.org/schema/5.3.1" xmlns:jats="http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/JATS1" xmlns:fr="http://www.crossref.org/fundref.xsd" xmlns:ai="http://www.crossref.org/AccessIndicators.xsd" version="5.3.1"><head><doi_batch_id>NONE</doi_batch_id><timestamp>20260528230105565</timestamp><depositor><depositor_name>Immanuel Kant Baltic Federal University</depositor_name><email_address>no-reply@balticregion.kantiana.ru</email_address></depositor><registrant>Immanuel Kant Baltic Federal University</registrant></head><body><journal><journal_metadata><full_title>Baltic Region</full_title><issn media_type="print">2079-8555</issn><issn media_type="electronic">2310-0524</issn></journal_metadata><journal_issue><publication_date media_type="print"><month>05</month><day>28</day><year>2026</year></publication_date><journal_volume><volume>18</volume></journal_volume><issue>1</issue></journal_issue><journal_article publication_type="full_text"><titles><title>Geostrategic territories: the history of the concept, features, and definition criteria</title><original_language_title>Геостратегические территории: история понятия, особенности и критерии определения</original_language_title></titles><contributors><person_name sequence="first" contributor_role="author"><given_name>V. A.</given_name><surname>Kolosov</surname><affiliations><institution><institution_name>Institute of Geography of Russian Academy of Sciences</institution_name></institution></affiliations><ORCID>https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2817-9463</ORCID></person_name><person_name sequence="additional" contributor_role="author"><given_name>O. I.</given_name><surname>Vendina</surname><affiliations><institution><institution_name>Institute of Geography of Russian Academy of Sciences</institution_name></institution></affiliations><ORCID>https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3650-1299</ORCID></person_name><person_name sequence="additional" contributor_role="author"><given_name>A. A.</given_name><surname>Gritsenko</surname><affiliations><institution><institution_name>Institute of Geography of Russian Academy of Sciences</institution_name></institution></affiliations><ORCID>https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9335-4761</ORCID></person_name><person_name sequence="additional" contributor_role="author"><given_name>M. V.</given_name><surname>Zotova</surname><affiliations><institution><institution_name>Institute of Geography of Russian Academy of Sciences</institution_name></institution></affiliations><ORCID>https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9162-4932</ORCID></person_name><person_name sequence="additional" contributor_role="author"><given_name>M. S.</given_name><surname>Karpenko</surname><affiliations><institution><institution_name>Institute of Geography of Russian Academy of Sciences</institution_name></institution></affiliations><ORCID>https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5262-944X</ORCID></person_name><person_name sequence="additional" contributor_role="author"><given_name>A. B.</given_name><surname>Sebentsov</surname><affiliations><institution><institution_name>Institute of Geography of Russian Academy of Sciences</institution_name></institution></affiliations><ORCID>https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9665-5666</ORCID></person_name><person_name sequence="additional" contributor_role="author"><given_name>N. L.</given_name><surname>Turov</surname><affiliations><institution><institution_name>Institute of Geography of Russian Academy of Sciences</institution_name></institution></affiliations><ORCID>https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7611-4985</ORCID></person_name></contributors><jats:abstract><jats:p>The term ‘geostrategic territory’ was introduced in the Spatial Development Strategies of the Russian Federation, adopted in 2019 and 2024. However, the principles for identifying such territories remained ambiguous, with no clear priorities or differentiation criteria spe­cified. This study aims to conduct a substantive analysis of the concept of geostrategy and its derivatives across various fields of scholarly knowledge, drawing on both international and Russian literature. Historically, in international scholarship, geostrategy was associated primarily with military geography and geopolitics. Today, geostrategic analysis encompasses not only the potential use of military force beyond national borders but also the pursuit of national interests through non-military means. In Russia, a strategic territory is defined as a region facing actual or potential external threats to its security, necessitating specific policy measures to eliminate or mitigate their consequences. The term ‘geostrategic territory’ refers to the sources of such threats — specifically, a territory’s position within a multi-scale spatial system of network structures. External challenges are closely intertwined with internal ones, including the need to overcome economic backwardness, poverty, depopulation, and related socio-economic problems. The analysis demonstrates that a geostrategic po­sition is dynamic and historically contingent, shaped by the geostrategic characteristics of individual settlements and strategic facilities. At the same time, similar geostrategic properties may also characterise extensive macro-regions encompassing several admi­nistrative units (e. g., the Arctic or the Russian Far East). The assessment of geostrategic position is inherently discursive, depending not only on material factors but also on the civic identity of the population, including their perception of global political actors, as­sessment of national security threats, and attitudes toward neighbouring countries. 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O.</given_name><surname>Trunov</surname><affiliations><institution><institution_name>Institute of Scientific Information for Social Sciences of the Russian Academy of Sciences</institution_name></institution></affiliations><ORCID>https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7092-4864</ORCID></person_name></contributors><jats:abstract><jats:p>Germany and Sweden have significantly increased military spending and have also sought to dramatically expand their armed forces, distinguishing themselves from several other NATO member states in this regard. A key objective of this militarisation is to enhance their contributions to NATO’s deterrence posture against Russia, thereby advancing their respective leadership aspirations within the Alliance. At the same time, cooperation has consistently outweighed competition in German-Swedish security and defence collaboration. This article examines the dynamics and evolution of this military-political partnership in the late 2020s, with particular emphasis on Sweden’s NATO accession in March 2024. Methodologically, it draws on political neorealism and theories of armed forces development. Historically, the two states’ peaks of power never coincided, sparing them large-scale conflict and creating a favourable backdrop for cooperation. In the mid-1990s, West Germany viewed Sweden’s de facto rapprochement with NATO positively. This process gained greater scale and depth amid the Euro-Atlantic confrontation with Russia that intensified after 2014. Germany pursued a strategy of gradual and consistent deterrence; in the mid-2010s, Berlin still considered formal Swedish NATO membership overly provocative, communicating this stance through the N3 + 1 format (2014—2019), which involved the Nordic EU member states. 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Prior to 2014, the Sweden Democrats did not perceive Russia as an existential threat to Sweden —a position that clearly distinguished them from other Swedish right-wing actors, particularly the conservative Moderate Party (Moderaterna). Following the 2014 Ukrainian crisis, however, the SD began reevaluating their stance. Before the 2018 Skripal case, both the party and its affiliated commentators largely framed Russia as a legitimate participant in the international order. Subsequently, their discourse gradually shifted toward more pronounced criticism of Russian foreign policy and political system. Since February 2022, the Sweden Democrats have actively employed the “Russian menace” narrative more intensively than any other Swedish political party. In doing so, they frequently reference arguments from historians, political scientists, and international relations scholars. 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N.</given_name><surname>Rastvortseva</surname><affiliations><institution><institution_name>HSE University</institution_name></institution><institution><institution_name>Financial University under the Government of the Russian Federation</institution_name></institution></affiliations><ORCID>https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1599-359X</ORCID></person_name><person_name sequence="additional" contributor_role="author"><given_name>E. E.</given_name><surname>Kolchinskaya</surname><affiliations><institution><institution_name>HSE University</institution_name></institution><institution><institution_name>Leontief Centre — International Centre for Social and Economic Research</institution_name></institution></affiliations><ORCID>https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0077-8173</ORCID></person_name><person_name sequence="additional" contributor_role="author"><given_name>S. A.</given_name><surname>Panasiuk</surname><affiliations><institution><institution_name>HSE University</institution_name></institution></affiliations><ORCID>https://orcid.org/0009-0001-7545-0626</ORCID></person_name></contributors><jats:abstract><jats:p>The relevance of the study stems from the growing digital inequality among Russian regions amid the rapid development of the digital economy. Disparities in digitalization levels perpetuate existing interregional gaps and create risks of concentrating human and technological potential in a limited number of regions. The aim is to identify and quantify the dynamics and spatial structure of digital inequality in Russian regions (2011—2023), differentiating it into primary (infrastructural — internet access) and secondary (human capital and competency-based — ICT employment) levels. The methodology combines cartographic methods of quantile classification, the Gini index, kernel density estimation (KDE), and Moran’s index to verify neighborhood effects. The results indicate divergent dynamics: a steady reduction in the infrastructural gap in internet access is accompanied by an increasing concentration of human capital in ICT. Significant spatial autocorrelation is confirmed, manifested in the formation of stable clusters of leading and lagging regions. Conclusions. 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